In this week’s issue:

• Péter Magyar says Hungary cannot break away from Russian energy overnight.

• Donald Trump has entered the Hungarian election campaign.

• Not everyone was thrilled about Hungary’s latest Nobel Prize.

• Google both did and didn’t suspend political ads.

• A new poll shows a significant lead for the Tisza Party.

• This week’s absurdity: Orbán’s latest AI video.

• Quote of the week: Even Babiš praised Orbán.

Péter Magyar: Breaking from Russian energy will take time

In a marathon interview with Radio Free Europe lasting more than 100 minutes, Péter Magyar not only outlined his own political programme but also addressed several questions that shed light on what Hungary might look like after a change in government. Yet there are still some key issues on which the Tisza Party leader’s stance remains ambiguous.

As in countless speeches over the past months, Magyar once again placed his main emphasis on what he sees as the core reason for the Orbán government’s failure: “Nothing works in this country,” he said in the interview, pointing to Hungary’s consistently poor performance in virtually every EU ranking.

What is the “Hungarian New Deal”?

According to Magyar, every step taken by the Orbán administration has been aimed at concealing Hungary’s poor economic and social conditions. In contrast, he presented his party’s own vision — a “Hungarian New Deal.” The main pillars of this plan, as described by the Tisza Party leader, include tax cuts, pension increases, repatriating frozen EU funds, fighting corruption, lowering the cost of state debt, and dismantling the government’s propaganda machinery. The outcome of next April’s parliamentary election, he argued, will depend on whether this message reaches voters.

Where does Magyar stand on Ukraine?

The interviewer also pressed Magyar on his party’s position regarding Ukraine — a crucial question given that Fidesz routinely accuses the Tisza Party of being controlled by Kyiv (or Brussels), and has spent years trying to stoke anti-Ukrainian sentiment among Hungarian voters. Officially, the government insists it is not anti-Ukrainian, yet its messaging portrays nearly everything related to Ukraine in a highly negative light.

Magyar offered a carefully balanced, politician-like response: he said Tisza seeks “a relationship based on mutual respect” with Ukraine while also pledging to represent the interests of ethnic Hungarians living there. It was a measured answer — calculated, perhaps, to appeal even to those Fidesz voters who are not fiercely anti-Ukrainian.

How would Tisza change the system?

Magyar also addressed a key question: what guarantees could Tisza offer that it would not abuse power if it were to win a constitutional majority next April? (A scenario that, as fresh polling suggests, is not out of the question.) He stressed that legal safeguards alone are not enough to ensure good, corruption-free governance. However, he did outline a few planned reforms — the most concrete being a two-term limit for prime ministers. He also said his party would restore the system of checks and balances, though he did not provide many details.

The conversation also touched on electoral reform. Magyar admitted that the party does not yet have a fully-fledged plan — only ideas. He has previously warned that a fully proportional electoral system could make governing more difficult. This week he nuanced that position, pointing out that in countries like the UK and France a party can win a large majority with relatively modest public support — an imbalance that also carries risks.

Would Tisza wean Hungary off Russian gas and oil?

At the end of the interview, the question turned to energy policy — specifically, whether a future Tisza government would seek to end Hungary’s reliance on Russian energy. Here, too, Magyar’s tone was measured, and he even gave the Orbán government some credit — though quickly followed by criticism.

“We don’t want to break away tomorrow,” he said. “Our goal is 2035. That doesn’t mean we’ll stop buying from them — it means we’ll look for the cheapest and safest sources. And if, God forbid, there’s an energy crisis, we’ll have multiple supply options.”

Magyar acknowledged that the Orbán government has taken steps toward diversification, likely referring to recent LNG import deals brokered by Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó — including agreements with Shell (200 million m³ per year) and France’s Engie (400 million m³ per year). Still, these volumes barely dent Hungary’s overall annual consumption of around 8.5 billion m³. Pressure from Washington has also played a role: since President Donald Trump began urging European countries to cut ties with Russian energy, Budapest has at least shown some willingness to comply.

Magyar also criticised the lack of transparency over where the windfall profits from high energy prices end up. Although prices have fallen since the start of the war, he said the difference “seems to vanish” — suggesting that a portion of the money “ends up in the pockets of Lőrinc Mészáros,” a billionaire businessman close to Orbán.

Trump Enters the Hungarian Election Campaign

The peace summit held in Egypt on Monday — one of the most memorable moments so far in Donald Trump’s second term — produced an unexpected European winner: Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán. The U.S. president used the event, which was meant to promote an end to the war in Gaza, as an opportunity to step directly into Hungary’s election campaign on Orbán’s side. During the summit, Trump introduced the attending leaders from the podium and made a point of singling out Orbán for praise.

What Did Trump Say?

“Viktor, you’re fantastic! I know many people disagree with me, but I’m the only one who matters. You’re fantastic! He’s a great leader. I supported him in the last election, and he won by 28 points. Now you’re going to do even better. We value you, and we stand 100 percent behind you,” Trump declared.

As HVG magazine quickly noted, Trump exaggerated Orbán’s previous election victory: in the 2022 parliamentary election, Fidesz beat the united opposition by 19.7 percentage points, not 28, winning 54% to 34%.

Orbán, unsurprisingly, proudly shared the video of Trump’s remarks, and his supporters have been quick to circulate it as a badge of honour. The government’s so-called Sovereignty Protection Office has not raised any objections to the U.S. president’s intervention in Hungarian domestic politics. When asked by a government-related Mandiner reporter whether this constituted interference with national sovereignty, Orbán joked: “Hungary also interfered in the American election when we supported Donald Trump.”

What Has Trump’s Presidency Brought Hungary?

It is undeniable that government relations between Budapest and Washington are significantly better under Trump than they were during the Biden era.

Orbán was the first European leader to endorse Trump’s presidential run back in 2016. Since Trump’s re-election last year, he has occasionally sent supportive messages to Orbán — messages the Hungarian leader has eagerly used for campaign purposes. But beyond these gestures, the improved political rapport has brought little tangible benefit to Hungary. The country still faces the same unfavourable U.S. tariffs as every other EU member state, and there have been no significant economic advantages from the warmer ties.

The only concrete result so far was the removal of Antal Rogán — Orbán’s powerful propaganda minister — from a U.S. sanctions list, where he had been placed by the Biden administration due to corruption concerns. As a result, Rogán is now free to travel to the United States.

On Wednesday evening, Orbán told government-related Mandiner that he and Trump are planning a meeting in the near future, with roughly 80 percent of the agenda already agreed. The talks, he said, will primarily focus on U.S.–Hungarian economic relations.

Not Everyone Welcomed Hungary’s New Nobel Prize Winner

Fans of Hungarian literature had been waiting 23 years — ever since Imre Kertész’s victory — for another Hungarian writer to receive the world’s most prestigious literary honour. László Krasznahorkai had long been considered a frontrunner, yet it still came as a pleasant shock to many Hungarians when the Nobel Committee announced he would receive this year’s prize.

But the news quickly divided public opinion. While many celebrated the award, others voiced disappointment, arguing that Krasznahorkai is “not Hungarian enough.” And inevitably, the debate spilled over into the election campaign — where literature suddenly mattered less than politics.

Why is he „not Hungarian enough“? How Did Orbán and Magyar React?

Prime Minister Orbán was quick to congratulate Krasznahorkai, but later repeatedly pointed out that the writer has been openly critical of the Fidesz government. “He’s certainly not from our political nest. I don’t recall him ever writing a single kind word about the national government,” Orbán said. Still, he added, the important thing was that “together with Krasznahorkai, Hungarian culture has received this honour.”

Péter Magyar took a more nuanced approach, weaving the award into his campaign message. In his congratulatory statement, he noted: “The newest Hungarian Nobel laureate’s finest novels portray the forgotten Hungarian countryside and the lives of people oppressed by power. His masterpiece Satantango, adapted into a cult film by Béla Tarr, shows the devastation socialism inflicted on rural Hungary. And yet his works are imbued with deep compassion and love for the downtrodden.”

How Did the Pro-Government Media Respond?

After the prize announcement, pro-Fidesz outlets began publishing articles questioning how someone so critical of Hungary could be considered a Hungarian Nobel laureate at all.

Krasznahorkai has indeed delivered some blistering critiques recently — not only of the Orbán regime but of Hungarian society as a whole. Many outlets cited his interview with the Swedish newspaper Svenska Dagbladet, in which he said there was “no hope” in Hungary — not just because of Orbán’s rule, but also due to “the uneducated masses calling for the reversal of Trianon, even though they don’t know it’s just a castle in France.”

It is hardly surprising, then, that Krasznahorkai’s Nobel Prize has unsettled Orbán’s supporters — even if the writer’s literary achievements far outweigh his political remarks.

Google Has — and Hasn’t — Banned Political Advertising

At the end of September, Google announced it would suspend political advertising on YouTube rather than comply with the European Union’s new transparency requirements. The decision deprived the Hungarian government of a key campaign tool: Orbán’s administration had been spending millions of euros a year on YouTube ads.

But as it turns out, there are several ways around the ban — and Fidesz is making full use of them.

Independent outlet Telex found that some government-sponsored ads were still slipping past Google’s filters. In some cases, ads were misclassified as belonging to the telecommunications or corporate category. In others, Fidesz used a Polish intermediary company to place the ads, or even backdated certain advertisements to dates before the ban took effect — a loophole made possible because Google relies on advertisers’ self-reporting to determine whether an ad is “political.”

For now, it appears that Fidesz is experimenting with different tactics to ensure it can continue to rely on social media advertising during the campaign.

This Week’s Polls Show a Growing Lead for the Tisza Party

A new survey published Monday by the independent 21 Research Center measured the Tisza Party’s support among decided voters at 53% — an 18-point lead over Fidesz, which polled at 35%. Among the general population, Tisza stands at 33%, compared to 26% for Fidesz. The far-right Mi Hazánk (“Our Homeland”) party would also clear the parliamentary threshold with 6%.

The institute’s previous surveys in recent months have shown similar results, suggesting that Hungary’s political balance has changed little since the summer.

On Thursday morning, pollster Publicus released its own findings, which also showed a substantial lead for Tisza, though a smaller one. Among decided voters, Tisza had 45% support and Fidesz 38%. In the broader population, 32% said they would vote for Tisza, while 27% backed Fidesz.

Publicus also asked voters whether they wanted a change of government. Forty-four percent said yes, while 32% said they would prefer Fidesz to remain in power. However, 41% believe Fidesz will ultimately win. Only 37% of respondents think there will be a change in government.

What Would These Numbers Mean?

If the Tisza Party were to win 53% of the vote, it would come close to matching Fidesz’s result in 2022 — meaning it would likely secure a constitutional majority in parliament (though the final outcome would depend heavily on individual constituency results). Such a result would create the conditions for a genuine political transformation in Hungary.

The Week’s Absurdity: Orbán’s Deepfake Attack

On Saturday, Prime Minister Viktor Orbán posted an AI-generated video on his Facebook page. In it, a digital clone of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky — speaking Hungarian with a heavy Ukrainian accent — promotes Tisza’s new smartphone app and assures viewers that their personal data is “safe with him, in Kyiv.” In the audience, Péter Magyar can be seen applauding.

The video was a satirical reference to recent news that data from thousands of users of Tisza’s new app had leaked online. Pro-government media seized on the incident to claim the app had been developed by Ukrainians — an accusation the party flatly denied.

Péter Magyar dismissed Orbán’s video as a “petty fraud.” For weeks, Orbán has been claiming that “Ukrainians have infiltrated Hungarian politics.” But so far, the only evidence he has offered for this claim has been stunts like this video.

Quote of the Week by Andrej Babiš, Czech prime ministerial candidate

„I fully agree with President Trump — Viktor Orbán is a great leader. It’s no surprise that he was the sole representative of the Visegrád Group at the Sharm el-Sheikh peace summit in Egypt, where 27 world leaders — including seven from the EU — gathered to end the war in Gaza. I also want to express my deep gratitude to President Trump, without whose diplomatic efforts there would be no peace in the Middle East.”

English version generated using AI translation and revised by the author.